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May 28, 2007
"Whose 'Just' War? Which Peace?"

I have gone back lately to read Dispatches from the Front: Theological Engagements with the Secular by Stanley Hauerwas (Duke University Press, 1994). I am not sure that I find Stanley's text more entertaining, more intellectually stimulating, or more spiritually moving for me. I had a colleague at PLNU who long ago noted that I read Stanley devotionally -- which is true and, for Stanley, probably very ironic.

I will share from several essays in the book over the next week or so -- it has some excellent exemplars of Hauerwas' theological high journalism. One essay stuck out as immensely relevant now: "Whose 'Just' War? Which Peace?" He wrote the essay after the first Gulf War (which he merely called "The Gulf War" not knowing at the time that it would be continuing over a decade later in mutated form. The essay is remarkably astute, even clairavoyant, about the events to follow.

Today people look back at the "First Gulf War" as "the good war." Today's unpopular war in Iraq, however, has its basis in the public relations spin in the early 90's invasion of Iraq. Hauerwas writes "hoping to convince the many Christians who supported the Gulf War that on Christian grounds such support was a mistake. The so-called just war theory, rather than helping Christians discern where their loyalties should be, in fact made it more difficult for Christians to distinguish their story from the story of the United States of America. As a result, appeals to that theory led to an uncritical legitimation of the Gulf War by most American Christians. This outcome should not be surprising since most Christians in America continue to believe that this is a 'Christian nation' (p. 137). The fact that Christians embraced the first Gulf War through "just war theory" made it easier for them to embrace the unprovoked invasion of Iraq in 2003 via the same theory. Given information, available then but widely available now, such thinking either stretches such just war thinking to incoherence or shows that just war thinking never could, especially in the modern era, do the work that it is supposed to do.

Hauerwas contends that "the Gulf War was conceived and fought by . . . political realists who found it useful to justify it on grounds of just war. No doubt, s ome have cynically gone about this project, but I suspect that many realists who have justified the war on those grounds genuinely believe that the war was conceived and fought as a just war. But from a realist perspective what must be acknowledged is that those with the biggest armies and the best technology can call any war just, if they so choose, when or if they have won it" (p. 140). If so, the difference between the current Iraqi war and the "First Gulf War" is that it has not been won after it was declared over. Of course, in a historical perspective one sees that the current conflict continues the early '90s conflict. The realist position was never very "realistic."

Hauerwas describes the rationale for the Gulf War: "The war in the Gulf was prosecuted by a military shaped by realistic presuppositions, justified by the crusade rhetoric of the cold war, and determined not to repeat Vietnam. Americans were able to fight the war in the Gulf as an allegedly just war, not because America is a nation whose foreign and military policies are formed by just war doctrine, but because America is a nation whose military had been shaped by realists to serve the crusade against communism. American Christians, undisciplined as they are by any serious reflection on the morality of war, enthusiasticaly backed this war as simply a providential instance of good versus evil" (p. 144). This rhetoric was continued by the second Bush administration -- thus showing more continuity between the Bush I and Bush II than recognized. Yet the more ambitious political ends of the invasion showed the ideological nature of the rationales when the occupational strategies turned Iraq more into a Vietnam-like popular insurgency rather than a crusade-like "War on Terror."

War within the context of democracies depend upon the ability of the war-makers to control the media to provide always available justification for war -- regular disinformation (it is remarkable how the New York Times editorial page has followed public opinion in their assessment of the war). This again goes back to the first Gulf War, but likewise, has proven the Achilles heal in the Bush preemptive war policy: "Through the methods by which the administration and military controlled descriptions of the war, Americans belieed that they had prosecuted a war in which 'no one got killed.' That fact that there were thousands of Iraqi casualties is not thought to be morally relevant. As a rult, the Iraqi war has put realist and just warrior alike in the difficult position of having to meet the unreal expectations of the public in the future. Now realist and just warrior must justify future wars to the American people who believe in the technological fantasy of a war in which no one gets killed -- when 'no one' mans any U.S. soldiers. As a result of this spin control that has fired the crusade mentality, the fundamental question for advocates of just war theory or realism is how democracies are to develop virtues in their citizens to fight wars with limited purposes, not crusades" (pp. 146-47).

This has been the fall out in Iraq. "Some one" (i.e. American soldiers) are getting killed, dying in horrible and barbaric ways. War without death (of "real people, i.e., Americans) is the fantasy into which Americans bought -- and still do. The denial of Lancelot's study of the total Iraqi death toll (confirmed in its methodology by the British government among others) within American discourse shows that Hauerwas was correct: if it's not a Crusade, Americans don't really want war. It's not that they are opposed to war, but the US as God's elect nation should only fight crusades. This is why there is no real "peace movement" in the US -- the ideology of the nation-state as the focus of moral allegiance cannot stand a peace movement for no one is willing to suffer the consequences of not going to war.

Thus Hauerwas wants, in this essay, to recognize the concrete socio-historical position of those who argue for "just war", rather than seeing just war as an abstract, moral landry list of what it takes to go to war. Hauerwas argues "To understand the Gulf War, it is crucial to understand the interrelation of moral and political imperialism excemplified by American justification of the war. Imperialism derives from the hegemonic power of an empire that presumes, exactly because it is an empire, that anyone, anywhere if given the opportunity would want to be part of the empire. A false universalism is created that necessarily blinds the imperialists, since they believe that they represent the nonbiased view of humanity" (p. 150). What deeper confirmation do Hauerwas' insight than the belief, espoused by many neo-conservatives that the Iraqis "will welcome us as liberators"?

Finally, Hauerwas concludes the essay, "Surely the saddest aspect of the war for Christians should have been its celebration as a victory and of those who fought it as heroes. No doubt many fought bravely and even heroically, but the orgy of crusading patriotism that this war unleashed surely should have been resisted by Christians. The flags and yellow ribbons on churches are testimony to how little Christians in America realize that our loyalty to God is incompatible with those who would war in the name of an abstract justice. Christians should have recognized that such 'justice' is but another form of idolatry to just the degree it asked us to kill. I pray that God will judge us accordingly" (p. 152).

Perhaps God has judged us accordingly. The celebration of the Gulf War in the churches lowered the ability of the churches to resist an unprovoked war called on at the very least ambiguous data, the result of an elective policy rather than a military contingency. The United States is paying; the conservative evangelical church is paying for its mindless idolatrous loyalty. There is a sense of secularism that is spreading and a justification for a theological liberalism (itself at the forefront of justifying the first Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan), it seems to me at large in our culture. But I wonder if congregations have gotten it -- I wonder what was celebrated in congregations throughout the United States -- Pentecost or Memorial Day? I'm deeply suspicious that I know the answer.

I am not a pacificist; I am a Christian. Hauerwas reminds us over and over again that "Christians do not become Christians and then decide to be nonviolent. Rather, nonviolence is simply one of the essential practices that is intrinsic to the story of beinga a Christian. 'Being a Christian' is to be incorporated into a community constituted bythe stories of God, which, as a consequence, necessarily puts one in tension with the world that does not share those stories" (p. 137). I think that the problem with war is that it offends "the God revealed in Christ," not that war is "irrational given the progression of the human race" (p. 141). I pray that this day after Pentecost Sunday, we might remember this offense to God, maybe even make a memorial day of it.


Posted by johnwright at May 28, 2007 2:17 PM


Comments

John,
A beautiful post. I need to reflect on this more and perhaps comment further, but for now, two things.
First, I too find it humorous that you have been 'accused' of reading Hauerwas devotionally, in part because I often find in reading him that that is exactly the experience I have (and certainly not just on the issue of war/violence).

Second, from one currently living beyond the borders of the US, this comment was chilling:
" I wonder what was celebrated in congregations throughout the United States -- Pentecost or Memorial Day?"
This past Sunday was most definitely Pentecost where I worshiped. I had forgotten that it was a national holiday in the states. Living beyond the reach of the US (commercial/political?) calendar for just a couple of years has really been instructive for seeing the importance/relevance of living by the church's calendar.
That's all for now.
Peace,
Jeremy Gabrielson

Posted by: Jeremy Gabrielson at May 29, 2007 1:58 AM

John,

Some miscellaneous thoughts. First, let me admit that I haven’t read Hauerwas (in general, or the specific book you’re interacting with). Second, keep in mind that you and I agree on much, including some of the stuff in your post. I particularly like the following: “the conservative evangelical church is paying for its mindless idolatrous loyalty.” But I want to draw some cautions and, perhaps, some disagreements with what you wrote.

First, you write: “The fact that Christians embraced the first Gulf War through ‘just war theory’ made it easier for them to embrace the unprovoked invasion of Iraq in 2003 via the same theory.” Perhaps this is true. But even if so, I don’t see how this counts against just war theory per se. It’s just another reminder that many Christians are nearly as intellectually reflective about their commitments as they should be.

Second, you cite (with apparent approval) the following from Hauerwas’ text: “But from a realist perspective what must be acknowledged is that those with the biggest armies and the best technology can call any war just, if they so choose, when or if they have won it” (p. 140). Again, perhaps. But the victor calling a particular war a ‘just war’ doesn’t make it so. So again I don’t see this as cutting against just war theory per se. Compare the following. Say that I claim that a Kantian ethic makes torturing babies solely for pleasure morally permissible and that, since such a behavior is clearly morally impermissible, that Kantian ethic is false. What would be needed for this to count against Kantian ethics is for the first part of my claim to be right, and not merely a claim. So what it seems to me that Hauerwas needs is the following:
(1) If just war theory were true, then the [First] Gulf War would have been morally permissible.
(2) The [First] Gulf War was morally impermissible.
(3) Therefore, just war theory is false.
But then he’d also have to give an argument for the truth of the conditional in (1). Perhaps he does (again, I haven’t read his book). But then we’re on to a different issue (namely, said argument).

Finally, I’m not convinced that Hauerwas is right that “nonviolence is simply one of the essential practices that is intrinsic to the story of being a Christian” (137). For this to be correct, we’d need an argument that just war theory is not even possibly consistent with the ‘story of being a Christian’. (Let me also add that I’m not quite sure what he means by this odd phrase. Does he just mean, the truth of Christianity?) But I’m prima facie disposed against any argument that would entail that Augustine and Aquinas (not to mention the majority of Catholic thinkers on the subject of war throughout the centuries) embrace something that is essentially contrary to ‘the story of being a Christian’.

Now, to perhaps get defensive before signing off. I’m not claiming either (i) that just war theory is true or (ii) that either Gulf War was just. (Nor am I claiming (iii) that Augustine and Aquinas were right about everything. In fact, insofar as I think that Augustine changed his mind about key theological issues, I think that (iii) as stated is necessarily false.) But I think that we need to be cautious and careful about these issues. And, like you, I think we need a healthy does of confession and absolution as well.

Posted by: Kevin at May 30, 2007 2:49 PM

Boy, did I have it all wrong, I thought I could be a christian and not have to be a Hauerwas drone. I didnt know that nonviolence was intrinsic to my relationship to God through jesus Christ. Having been enlightened now I am going to have to rethink everything. I only wish Hauerwas was around in Jesus time to add his thoughts to Gospel sayings.. Man if only Hauerwas made damn sure Paul included pacifism as one of the fruits of the Spirit we could have avoided so much misunderstanding. All my christian heroes who dont embrace this typical postmodern reconstruction of what Christianity is are essentially whats the word oh yeah mindless. Thanks for the insight Peace Barry

Posted by: barry wallace at June 10, 2007 8:25 AM

Barry,

Besides the fact that your comment is (to my mind) dripping with sarcasm to the point of offense (how does one spell tisk-tisk?) – and I’m usually a big fan of sarcasm – you seem to have failed to grasp the peace-making import of the Spirit in Paul’s letters. Of course Paul didn’t include ‘pacifism’ in the fruits of the Spirit – there was no such word available to him. But what about peace?

But let me back up a bit. If I wanted to bore you with the details, I could show you that several of the works of the flesh of Gal 5:19-21 are markers of conflict or attitudes which feed into a spiral of violence. If we take Paul’s view, which you are at liberty to dispute, that the Spirit and the Flesh (as two supra-human powers) are at war with one another since the advent of Christ (Gal 5:17), it becomes fairly uncontroversial, I think, to suggest that Paul viewed one of the defining characteristics of the Flesh as conflict – which could be expressed certainly at low-levels but also at rather high levels too. The early church fathers, too, made similar connections. 1 Clement and Didache (probably more?) both lump several of Paul’s works of the flesh into ‘naughty’ behavior which leads to murder, torture, and the like. Although I am no expert in Thomas or Augustine, it would not surprise me to find them agreeing wholeheartedly that “enmities, strife, jealousy, outbursts of anger, quarrels…envy” etc. are behavior which mark out one as not walking according to the Spirit, and indeed, these are behavior which feed into the human ‘cycle of violence’ (of course, they wouldn’t put it this way, and would probably have a much more direct way of saying it, i.e., 'murder'). Your comment gives the impression that you are opposed to identifying nonviolence as an essential Christian characteristic, but it seems at least equally absurd to claim that violence is somehow a Christian ‘virtue.’ Perhaps explaining your position in further detail, rather than skewering John or Hauerwas, would help clarify what kind of violent action you hope to protect. Presumably you think it is perfectly acceptable for a Christian to fight in ‘just’ wars. Perhaps you think it compatible with Christian practice to execute criminals. But your tone and brevity of course leave me wondering. Do you also want to protect torture for information to protect the innocent?

Back to Paul. Louis Martyn has written probably the most significant commentary on Galatians in the 20th century (not my judgment, but people who should know) and I do not get the impression that he is a Hauerwas drone. (In fact, he seems to be a rather unique individual, if his commentary is any indication.) He writes about the eschatological battle between the Spirit and the Flesh and the surprising nature of the conflict. In essence, the Spirit has an unusual strategy in battle: “…in the warfare commenced by the Spirit against the Flesh, the violence that is a major characteristic of the Flesh (vv 19-21a) is not met by a greater violence, but rather by love, joy, and peace.” [Martyn, Galatians, 498]. As bizarre as it may sound to us, Paul seems to think that God doesn’t need arms to win the final eschatological battle. Or perhaps better still, God’s weapons are wholly different from those we should expect of a divine warrior – love, joy, peace. It is these weapons of righteousness which counterintuitively are the way in which God in Christ chooses to disarm the powers (cp. Col 2:15).
One last point, the comment re ‘mindless’ – John may have overstepped the boundaries of ‘Christian’ rhetoric too, but he certainly didn’t seem to me to be calling Augustine and Thomas mindless. I don’t know if it is any better to call the average church-goer who happens also to be American ‘mindless’ (though I think it paints a sometimes painfully true picture), but I would think John would say ‘poppycock’ to portraying this as his view of those two great thinkers of the Church. Also, his problem, it would seem to me, is rather more with those who refuse to think about the issue – not those who at least consider their position (like you). But I think now I’m getting onto very unstable ground – my hunch is that John would be better suited to address the issue of thinking about and ‘choosing’ one’s own ‘position’ than I am – I’m certain that part of my response ‘slips’ into the liberalism that John so obviously calls our attention to. I don't have a problem with Christians who think differently, but I'm sure going to try to persuade them to see it from my perspective, which of course is right ;-)
One other note, Robert Brimlow recently wrote What About Hitler: Wrestling with Jesus’s Call to Nonviolence in an Evil World, Brazos 2006 (and yes, Hauerwas endorses the book). In it he addresses admirably the ‘Hitler Question.’ In other words, even if every other war was unjust on moral and philosophical or theological grounds, at least WWII was not. He details more than John did above why just war thinking is flawed (not, I mean, in relation to WWII) from, I think this is accurate, a philosophical standpoint (he is a professor of philosophy after all). His judgment is that just war theory is ‘untenable’ and that it serves simply to justify actions “after we have done what we wanted to do” [56]. This comes in his judgment, not his argument. If you want to see his treatment of WWII/the Hitler question (a brilliant Chapter 7, Barry, you wouldn’t like it I’m guessing) , you’ll have to go and buy his book, because I’ve spent too much time already writing this response…Back to work, Jeremy
Peace,
Jeremy

Posted by: Jeremy Gabrielson at June 14, 2007 7:12 AM

Thoughtful and challenging post, John. Thanks for this.

I also don't appreciate your level of sarcasm, Barry. Very unfortunate in a thread about peace. Very unfortunate, indeed.

See you next week, John!
Maya

Posted by: Maya at June 14, 2007 12:16 PM

Jeremy, OkOkOk no more sarcasm. That was very insightful and helpful Jeremy. I understand the idea of two kinds of warfare. Clearly Paul the weapons we use are not carnal. but they are mighty for the pulling down of strongholds,taking captive every thought. He uses phrases like fight the good fight,more than conquerers Im sure you know all these and more. Here is the point, sometimes we morph the gospel into a political viewpoint that we are comfortable with. Whatever you may say about the gospel, the phrases Paul and Peter use do not imply a Zenlike , passiveHard-Rock philosphy(love all serve all) that takes a nonviolent Gandhiesque position at all costs. I know I know the christian right does the same thing where we impose our political beliefs on Christ, but honestly, when is the last time you walked into a church and heard a rousing rendition of ONward Christian Soldiers? Or the Battle Hymn of the Republic. You may make the case that Evangelical Churches are too right for your political tastes but having said that, just leave it it at that. I gotta go Im late for an interfaith dialog at my local Methodist church where we are going to hold candles and write letters to see if we can get these people in Darfur some help. Yours in Christ Barry

Posted by: BARRY at June 15, 2007 7:47 AM

John,

First thanks for the Dead Sea Scroll lectures. Who says cutting edge biblical scholarship isn't exciting.

Just war, when I was an R.C., I was indoctrinated in this reasoning. You can't be the leading numeric Christian religion without endorsing a just war. After all it was charted by a Roman Emperor and the state can't be without defense.

And it works. I enlisted in the Marines without a thought about it. Fr. (Capt. U.S. Army) Murphy assured us it was no bar to heaven.

Fast forward 30 years to my spiritual re-birth in Christ and it is apparent what is moral in the face of aggression. Jesus taught it, Dr. King practiced it.

Heck two or three times a month I witness it at church when you gently turn Lawrence. And after a few years even I see the value of Lawrence to our understanding of Jesus.

Self defense or defense of others. I could cover up and hope for the best for myself. However I am incapable of standing by while the weak and defenseless are attacked, can't do it.

But in the end there can be no misunderstanding of Jesus in my mind when he says, "Do unto others ...." I have never been a big fan of getting hurt or killed so as a Christian I just assume that nobody else is either. It is basic to my understanding. As easy and as undebatable in my mind as a punch in the nose.

Do unto others as you would have them do unto you. (But first do no harm Dummy!)

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